China's late leader Deng Xiaoping enjoyed the great respects of many Japanese people. He inherited and developed the policy toward Japan formulated by Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai and made much effort to carry it out. This is shown in his accurate judgment on the overall situation in Japan, his comprehensive grasp of historical issues between the two countries as well as his pragmatic manner in handling concrete questions.

Deng paid high attention to China-Japan ties. As he once pointed out, "The China-Japan relations can be summed up in one sentence: The two peoples of China and Japan should live in friendship for generations to come. This point is China's long-term policy", and "Sino-Japanese relations should be considered and developed from a long-term point of view. We should develop relations through the 21st century and further into the 22nd and 23rd centuries, so that the people of our two countries will be friends forever." This "long-term friendship" guideline forcefully pushed forward the sound development of Sino-Japanese ties.

In recent years, some Japanese personages have been unwilling to see Beijing invariably "irritate Japan" by mentioning historical questions, and they have been particularly against constant criticisms of Japan's "revival of militarism". As a matter of fact, however, when talking about Japan's militarism, Chinese leaders usually refer to "a tiny handful of people". Deng once pointed out in 1987: " If we say there are problems in Sino-Japan relations, that is the tendency of a handful of people in Japan, some of them may be politically influential, to revive militarism, which is what the Chinese people are worried about. This is the only point we worry. And the Chinese people are glad to see that the overwhelming majority of the Japanese people are against the tendency. For over a century, Japanese militarism, by its conducts, has not only victimized the Chinese people and people of other Asian countries, Japanese people have also been victims". This general judgment is correct and properly measured.

Since the mid 1990s, the Sino-Japanese ties have begun to show a feature of "being hot in economy and cold in politics". Trade links between the two countries have moved rapidly ahead, with the bilateral trade volume hopefully to exceed US$150 billion in 2004, while the political ties are not as good as desired, which are relatively cold with troubles arising one after another. Although in the 1998 China-Japan Joint Declaration, the Japanese government admitted the aggression war waged by Japan, the China-Japan ties are still affected by Right-deviationist trend of thought in Japan that beautifies and denies the history of aggression. Some politicians and social figures have conducted organized activities in various forms whitewashing the history of aggression. They have inherited and, through the media under their control, given vigorous publicity to Japan's pre-war outlook on country and history, as well as published textbooks distorting history. On top of that, the re-election of Right-wing, anti-China politician Ishihara Shintaro as governor of Tokyo and Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's Yasukuni Shrine visits once again made some Chinese people feel that the tendency of reviving militarism was probably not a problem limited only to a small number of people. It is a big question that concerns whether we need to make a new strategic judgment on Japan.

In the writer's opinion, although Japan's political Right deviation has somewhat developed, it still cannot be completely equated to pre-war militarism. Deng's general judgment on Japan has not become out dated. This is because that since the war, almost all political forces in Japan hold a negative attitude toward "militarism" and none of them wants to be labeled as such. Even Right-wing political groups intend to draw a clear line of demarcation between them and militarism; they call themselves "nationalists" and resent to be denounced as "militarists". The general run of Japanese people all the more loathe militarism and oppose the distortion of history by Right-wing forces. For example, in 2001 the use rate of Right-wing textbooks was actually very low in Japan, accounting for only 0.039 percent (or 521 copies in total), these textbooks were used only by a few private schools in Kyoto and a county. Under the vast background of the present times, conditions both at home and abroad do not allow the revival of prewar Japanese militarism.

Japanese friends may ask, since that is the case, why does China invariably remind Japan of historical questions? To put it in one sentence, that is to keep Sino-Japanese friendship going from generation to generation. Contemporary Sino-Japanese relations are the extension of history, and future Sino-Japanese ties are the continuation of today. Fluctuations in China-Japan political ties are closely connected with historical questions, especially the Japanese government's attitude toward and way of handling these questions. Although the two sides have huge economic benefits and can cooperate in pursuit of these benefits, but the gulf of outlook on history between the two peoples cannot be filled up, for economic interests can be gained through bargaining, and realized in accordance with the principles and rules of the market economy, but opposition in regard to the concept of value based on national identification can hardly be solved in the same way. Therefore, regarding Right-wing distortion of history and other problems, Deng Xiaoping stressed, "They are not big problems if viewed in isolation, but put together they represent a tendency, a force, a damage to China-Japan friendship", so, "leaders of the two countries should solve these problems timely without delay", and "while the two sides considering problems, they should base themselves on a long-term view on solving long-term issues. To deal with present and future possible disputes, we should calmly and speedily engage in joint cooperation, and properly solve the disputes as quickly as possible in order to avoid hindering the development of our long-term ties".

Distorting history will misguide the future. If textbooks and social concepts distorting and whitewashing history of Japanese aggression leave a wrong impression of history on the younger generation of Japan, ideological gulf between the two peoples will be further deepened and will affect the building of mutual trust. What prewar Japanese education has brought to the country should not be forgotten. Moreover, historical questions between China and Japan are closely connected with the Taiwan issue, and the practical problems stemming from historical issues, such as incidents of injuring people by the chemical weapons Japanese troops abandoned in China, have not yet been solved. If Japan continues to hurt Chinese feeling, the mass foundation for China to develop Sino-Japan ties will be severely weakened. In this sense, historical questions are not only realistic questions between the two countries but also extremely important issues bearing on the future.

Some people in Japan hold that Japan and China won't be on good terms if China continues to dwell on historical questions. This is a misunderstanding. As a Chinese saying goes, "medicines, bitter to taste though, facilitates the cure of disease; sincere advice, unpleasant to the ear, benefits conduct", so those Japanese, who really care about national interests and reputation, have no need to "complain of unfairness" in Chinese criticisms of Right-wingers' words and deeds, because keeping the development of China-Japan friendship from generation to generation is our common cause. As Deng pointed out in 1987 when meeting with Japanese guests, "Some unhappy things need to be handled properly. Solution to which is beneficial to the two countries and the two peoples. As to the historical disputes in China-Japan relations, to be frank, the Chinese side has no responsibility. With regard to the understanding and evaluation of history, it is necessary to emphasize the need to take a new, forward-looking attitude and refrain from bringing trouble and causing unnecessary new disputes. None of the existing disputes was caused by China. China has adopted a most restrained attitude toward these problems, including persuading its people".

In 1989 when meeting with a Japanese delegation led by Yoshio Sakurauchi, then President of the House of the Representatives, Deng had a heart-to-heart talk with him. He said, "Our two countries, after all, are close neighbors. I have a special feeling for Sino-Japanese friendship. Even when Japanese militarists launched the war against China, there were many Japanese people opposing aggression. History must be approached in an all-round way, talks about history should cover both the history of Japan's aggression against China and the history of many Japanese people and friendly personages fighting for China-Japan friendship, and these people are large in number! It is certain that some people in Japan are not happy about such a big delegation you lead to visit China, but your brave action proves that the Japanese people, like the Chinese people, hope for friendship for generations to come. The only way to answer a handful of people who are unwilling to see China-Japan friendship is to continuously strengthen amity and develop cooperation". This can be called Deng's political attitude toward how to handle and develop Sino-Japanese ties, which is of important, realistic guiding significance, particularly for today. .

A Japanese friend once asked this writer, in history Western powers also committed aggression against China, why does China invariably "hold Japan in tight grips"? A remark of Deng can be quoted here to give him the answer During the war Japan occupied many places in China, Taiwan, for instance, was held by Japan for 50 years. The loss Japan inflicted on China is incalculable, the number of deaths alone totals tens of millions. So, it is Japan that owes China most when it comes to settling historical accounts. Deng also pointed out that by stressing history we mean to draw lessons from it and make them guide the future.

In the face of political trends in Japan disrupting sound development of Sino-Japan ties, Deng always adhered to a principled stand and fought with good reason, with advantage, with restraint and with efficiency. For example, former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone's official Shrine visit on August 15, 1985 greatly disturbed Sino-Japan ties. In October the same year, when meeting with Japanese Foreign Minister Abe Sintaro, Deng declared solemnly that "There has recently arisen the question of Japanese cabinet members paying formal visit to the Yasukuni Shrine. We haven't created any difficult problems for Japan these years, whereas Japan has caused very difficult problems for us, such as issues concerning the textbooks, Japanese officials' recent Shrine visits and commendation of Chiang Kai-shek's posthumous virtue." "It's out of my wishes to continue developing Sino-Japan friendly relations that I propose Japanese statesmen, Japanese government leaders and various friends pay attention to this issue." "For Japan, refraining from doing these things will not incur any losses, but instead will make it possible to calmly, steadily and continually develop economic-political relations between the two countries. Here is the place where real understanding should be reached."

As a great statesman, Deng's indomitable sprit, his courage to push forward China's reform and opening up drive, as well as his sincerity in developing lasting Sino-Japanese friendship touched Yasuhiro Nakasone deeply. In September 1986, Yasuhiro Nakasone expressed seriously, "As for the so-called worship of arch war criminals, if viewed from other countries, official visit by the Prime Minister to a place which enshrines people responsible for the war is tantamount to the praising those people and hurting the feeling of people who suffered aggression. Ours is an Asian country, so we have to reflect on the war and draw lessons from it. This is a must for the survival of Japan." Tokyo also promised to Beijing that Japanese Prime Minister, Foreign Minister and Chief Cabinet Secretary would no more visit the Shrine during their term of office. In November the same year, Prime Minister Nakasone visited China and Beijing gave full recognition to his contribution to Sino-Japanese friendship. As chairman of the Central Advisory Commission, Deng met him and frankly answered his questions concerning China's domestic politics and diplomacy, without emphasizing historical questions any more. In the more than a decade that followed, the Japanese Prime Minister didn't go to the Yasukuni Shrine again.

By People's Daily Online